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News Report Major Tobacco Multinational Implicated In Cigarette Smuggling, Tax Evasion, Documents Show(Part 1 of 2) By Maud S. Beelman,
Duncan
Campbell, Maria Teresa
Ronderos, and Erik J. Schelzig
(Washington, Jan. 31) British
American Tobacco, the world's second-largest multinational tobacco
company, for decades secretly encouraged
tax evasion and cigarette
smuggling in a global effort to secure market share and lure generations
of new smokers, internal corporate documents reveal.
Contrary
to tobacco companies' long-standing claims that cigarette smuggling is
the work of organized crime or rogue employees beyond their control, the
files show that senior personnel
of the parent company and its subsidiaries sought
to control and exploit smuggling as part of a worldwide
marketing strategy to increase revenue.
: Link
to Adobe PDF file Adobe Acrobat
Reader is required to view the PDF files. More
than 11,000 pages of documents from BAT and its subsidiaries, including
the U.S. company Brown & Williamson, were analyzed over a six-month
period by the International Consortium of Investigative Journalists
(ICIJ), a project of the Center for Public Integrity in Washington, D.C. Part of a depository
of about 8 million pages, the documents were selected based on region and
subject matter. In some cases, the complete files on a specific country or
individual were reviewed. The selected documents, covering mostly 1990-1995, do not suggest that BAT
employees themselves transported contraband cigarettes across customs
borders, where taxes would be due. Instead, they show that corporate
executives in Britain, the United States, and other locales
controlled the
volumes, brands, marketing campaigns, timing, and price levels throughout
the smuggling distribution networks they exploited. Company
officials worked closely with their local agents � giving them perks such as
tickets to Wimbledon � and provided incentives to local
black-market distributors. In response
to a series of detailed questions prompted by a review of its corporate documents, BAT said: "We do not intend to answer questions or address allegations apparently based on highly selective and out-of-context documents, about matters which are more properly addressed
- and in many instances are being addressed with our full co-operation - by governments and customs authorities around the world." The company said it knew that some of its products "are handled other than through official channels," but added that "we cannot control the distribution chain all the way to the final customer."
But the documents clearly show that BAT and its subsidiaries did attempt to
control the distribution chain all the way to the final customer and employed a carefully coded language to discuss and plan those operations. Only occasionally did they use such terms as "smuggled" or "contraband." The preferred euphemisms of company correspondence were "DNP" (Duty Not Paid), "transit," or "GT" (general trade), as well as "parallel market," "second channel," and "border trade." The euphemisms were used interchangeably and contrasted repeatedly with references to imports that were legal and "Duty Paid" (DP). Since
1997, three BAT managers have either pled guilty to or been convicted of
charges related to tobacco smuggling. Two pled guilty in a scheme that
shipped cigarettes marked "Duty Not Paid" and "Not for Sale in
Canada" back into Canada from Louisiana, where they had been sent
allegedly bound for offshore fishing boats. One of the men left the
company before pleading guilty to the charges; the other retired in
December 1997, six months after pleading guilty. The next year, a BAT
executive in Hong Kong was convicted of taking bribes in connection with a
cigarette smuggling syndicate. The judge in that case, Justice Wally Yeung
Chun-kuen, said in sentencing export manager Jerry Lui, "that management
of BAT (HK) was aware duty-not-paid cigarettes � would ultimately be
smuggled in China and other countries. There could be no other explanation
for this enormous quantity of duty-not-paid cigarettes worth billions and
billions [Hong Kong] of dollars." The judge, according to Hong Kong
press reports in June 1998, commented that BAT's "irresponsible
behaviour amounted to assisting criminals in transnational crime."Suspicions
about industry involvement in cigarette smuggling have grown since 1997
when researchers demonstrated, by comparing annual global exports with
global imports, that about one-third of all cigarettes entering
international commerce each year could not be accounted for. The
industry's sanguine reaction to apparently losing a third of its
inventory annually only fueled those suspicions. But
proof remained elusive until last year, when millions of pages of
corporate documents, unearthed during numerous health-related lawsuits,
became publicly available as part of the tobacco industry's November
1998 settlement with the U.S. states.
The
information contained in those documents could prove far more costly to
the companies than the $246 billion U.S. settlement because BAT, as well
as its multinational rival Philip Morris, has focused on expanding
business into international and newly emerging markets � precisely the
areas where smuggling seems to have flourished.
BAT
reported 1.01 billion pounds ($1.8 billion) in profits in 1998 on its
worldwide cigarette business, according to its latest available annual report. Of
BAT's six regional operating groups, its Latin American sales volumes
were the highest. Philip Morris, the world's largest international
cigarette company, reported tobacco profits of $6.5 billion (3.9 billion
pounds) in 1998 -- $5 billion of that in non-U.S. sales, which represented
a 10% increase over the previous year. Both companies' bottom lines were
reduced in 1998 for payouts to the U.S. national tobacco settlement, and
profit margins were expected to be higher for 1999.
Although
tobacco companies now face health-related lawsuits involving about 20
countries, proof of involvement in tax evasion or smuggling schemes could
trigger a host of new prosecution, civil and criminal. There are already
signs that may be happening.
A
majority of Colombia's state governors and the mayor of Bogota have
retained U.S. lawyers to prepare lawsuits in the United States against
British American Tobacco and Philip Morris, said Jose
Manuel Arias Carrizosa, executive director of the Federation of Colombian
Governors. He added that the 21 governors and the mayor of Bogota were
seeking "an indemnification for damages caused through contraband of
cigarettes into the country." He would not say exactly how much would be
demanded of the two companies.
"We
think there are two markets, one legitimate that pays its duties and
taxes, and the other much bigger, illegal," Arias said in an interview.
"That cannot be happening without the knowledge of the producing
companies." A lawyer hired by the Colombians, who spoke only on
condition that neither he nor his firm be identified, said the governors
had "a viable cause of action" under civil provisions of the Racketeer
Influenced and Corrupt Organizations Act, or RICO.
Canada
filed a civil RICO lawsuit against R.J. Reynolds and its related tobacco
companies in New York state in December 1999 for smuggling across the
U.S.-Canadian border. Several people, including a former RJR senior sales
manager, have already been convicted on U.S. criminal charges stemming
from that same smuggling operation.
The
BAT documents make two points clear � ranking executives of BAT and its
subsidiaries exploited smuggling as part of their overall strategy to increase
market share, and they employed a series of euphemisms to plan and mask
their activities.
In
order to understand the company's involvement, its corporate dialect
must first be decoded.
The
documents, especially as they relate to company operations in Latin
America, repeatedly identify legal imports as either "Duty Paid" (DP)
or "Duty Free" (DF), for traditional duty-free stores. Those phrases
are consistently used in opposition to terms such as "DNP,"
"transit," or "GT," and those contrasting terms appear regularly
throughout the memos, letters, charts, and graphs of import/export data
and sales figures.
For
example, a memo from the early 1990s, entitled "Venezuelan Market
Definitions and Assumptions," explained that "Duty Paid" goods owed
the government legal excise taxes of 50%. No such requirement was noted
for the "Duty Not Paid" goods, which were identified as cigarettes
produced in Venezuela, exported mainly to the free-trade zone on the
nearby island of Aruba, and then re-entered into the Venezuelan market as
"transit." The memo came from the file of Keith S. Dunt, then BAT's
regional director for Latin America who is now the company's chief
finance officer. In another memo, a Feb.
16, 1993 fax to BAT headquarters in Britain, its Venezuelan subsidiary
explained: "The fact is that since November 1992 the transit (DNP)
products into Venezuela have been very low due to tighter border
controls." During
a fierce trademark dispute with Philip Morris over which company had the
right to use the Belmont brand name in Colombia, a Feb. 22, 1995 memo
outlined contingency options should BAT lose. One was to "launch
new brand in DP and maintain Belmont in GT channel." However, a noted
drawback of keeping Belmont in the GT channel was that the company
"cannot support Belmont in GT via advertising." Advertising for a product that had no government-registered imports
apparently would raise questions. A
January 1993 status report on Peru stated that BAT's "basic strategy
has been to set up a local importer/distributor to handle legal exports
rather than rely on transit sales." Jon
Ferguson, former senior counsel for the Washington state attorney
general's office and head of its antitrust division, used BAT corporate
documents in his 1998 prosecution of tobacco companies to recoup state
costs of treating smokers. He said the term "Duty Not Paid," or DNP,
obviously referred to smuggled cigarettes. "That's clearly my
understanding of what �Duty Not Paid� means," Ferguson, now in
private practice, said in an interview. Les Thompson, the
RJR senior sales manager who pleaded guilty in 1999 to money-laundering
charges stemming from the U.S.-Canadian smuggling operation, said that DNP
was also a euphemism his company used to talk about smuggling. "It's
an industry-wide term," Thompson told the Center. "It's essentially a
long-winded term used by senior folks when they�re talking around the
topic of smuggling." Other euphemisms for smuggled cigarettes, Thompson
said, were "re-entry" goods, the "parallel market," and
"transit." Thompson, who is to begin
serving a 70-month sentence in mid-February, said he knew of other tobacco
companies involved in smuggling and that he was cooperating with federal
investigations in the United States and Canada. In response to a request for comment on both the civil and criminal cases, an RJ Reynolds Tobacco Company spokeswoman said the company was
not involved in the "day-to-day business operations of any international operations," and that the company had not been implicated in the criminal investigations.
But she did not comment on the allegations in the civil RICO suit.
Ironically,
the most glaring exception in the records to BAT's carefully coded
language involved its Canadian subsidiary, which was not named in
Canada's recently filed smuggling lawsuit. In a June 3, 1993 letter to
Ulrich Herter, BAT's managing director, Don Brown, the president of
Imperial Tobacco Limited, wrote: "As
you are aware, smuggled cigarettes (due to exorbitant tax levels)
represent nearly 30% percent of total sales in Canada, and the level is
growing. Although we agreed to support the Federal government's effort
to reduce smuggling by limiting our exports to the U.S.A., our competitors
did not. Subsequently, we have decided to remove the limits on our exports
to regain our share of Canadian smokers. To do otherwise would place the
long-term welfare of our trademarks in the home market at great risk.
Until the smuggling issue is resolved, an increasing volume of our
domestic sales in Canada will be exported, then smuggled back for sale
here."
In reply to questions about that
letter, Brown said, "My comments in my letter to Mr. Herter were simply of the nature of a
factual observation. � Our company never knowingly sold cigarettes to smugglers. We only dealt with
legitimate buyers, who had all of the appropriate government permits to purchase cigarettes from
us." The
documents
show that BAT executives were aware of the "sensitivity" of
the issue.
One of them, Delcio Laux who was then president of C.A. Cigarrera Bigott,
Sucs., BAT's Venezuelan subsidiary, wrote in an April 21, 1992, faxed
memo to Dunt that "it is clear that Bigott can�t be seen as a clean
and ethical Company by continuing with DP and DNP in parallel." Dunt later recommended Laux's
replacement, noting among other things
that his "exceptional" ethical norms had been exploited by the Philip
Morris competition.
In
June 1992, Dunt wrote Eduardo Grant, president of BAT's Argentine
subsidiary, Nobleza-Piccardo, about the "DNP market" there. "We will
be consulting here on the ethical side of whether we should encourage or
ignore the DNP segment. You know my view is that it is part of your
market and to have it exploited by others is just not acceptable," Dunt
said. Notes
on the conclusions of a meeting in Colombia in late February, which Dunt
attended, said it had been agreed that "the Bogota office will be clean
by Q3/94 in reference to DNP information. Management of DNP will be in
Caracas." Another
memo in Dunt's files said "documents dealing with DNP have been
separated and should now be forwarded to Caracas. A good quality safe and
shredder are required."
Colombia � a country wracked by decades of civil war and cocaine trade, with a long history as a crossroads of contraband � proved to be fertile ground for cigarette smuggling.
Maicao is a town in La Guajira that was given special customs status in 1991 in order to spur job growth. The government's intent was to allow raw materials to enter the zone untaxed, have workers there turn them into finished product, and then re-export the finished goods outside Colombia. The law allowed for a certain amount of goods to pass from Maicao into the Colombian interior, but only if they were declared to customs officials and duty was paid on them. Fierce
competition for market share drove many of BAT's actions in Latin
America, the documents suggest. However, they also show that company
executives had discussions with representatives of Philip Morris
International about "DNP" and "transit."
At
a meeting on Feb. 14, 1992, at John F. Kennedy airport in New York, Philip
Morris' then president for the Latin American region, Peter
Schreer and his deputy Fred Hauser met with BAT's Keith Dunt and
David Etchells. "Transit business from Paraguay into Argentina needs to
be watched, particularly bearing in mind Industry agreement on quantum
level of excise," said a file memo written by Etchells, summarizing the discussions. The two sides agreed to have "more regular meetings," and in August 1992,
the BAT and PMI representatives met again, this time at the posh Pennyhill
Park country club near BAT headquarters outside London, according to a
"SECRET" document summarizing their talks. "PMI raised the �contraband from Honduras' issue which was
counteracted by BATCo's raising the price gap argument. No ground
conceded on either side," the notes said.
"BATCo
suggested an aggressive price increase to be negotiated at a local level
for DNP to be implemented if possible by the end of August," the notes
later said, referring to Venezuela. "Following action on DNP PMI
suggested we should pursue a DP price increase. PMI wanted linkage between
the DNP increase. This was not supported by us."
Philip Morris confirmed there were meetings between Schreer and Dunt in 1992 "to discuss general industry issues in Latin America," but was unable to say "what precisely was discussed."
Beyond
the issues of smuggling, tax evasion, and undermining governments'
attempts to set health policy, there have been allegations that the activities
of tobacco multinationals have complemented drug money laundering. The
1998 Colombian governors' report and two other independent studies said
that smuggled cigarettes had become a vehicle for money laundering, and the subject was the focus of a U.S. congressional hearing last summer.
The
nexus of cigarette smuggling and drug money laundering in Latin America is
known as the black market peso exchange, in which "peso brokers"
convert U.S. dollars from drug lords into clean pesos. Their sources of
clean pesos are smugglers who need U.S. dollars in order to purchase
international goods. James Johnson of the U.S. Treasury Department has
called the system "primarily an exchange of currencies" but one that
is "perhaps the most dangerous and damaging form of money laundering
that we have ever encountered."
>With
access to U.S. dollars regulated by Colombian law and administered by
banks, requiring proof of legal import, the peso broker "offers a
businessman a choice and the drug trafficker an opportunity," Bonni
Tischler, U.S. Customs Service Assistant Commissioner for Investigations,
told the June 1999 congressional hearing. She said the cigarette industry
was one of the "most affected" by the black market peso exchange.
"Some American companies, and I would give Philip Morris as an example, have been accused of implicitly supporting the black market peso exchange in order to increase their market share in Colombia and avoid paying hefty Colombian taxes," noted the hearing's chairman, Sen. Charles Grassley (R-IA). "Some Colombians have gone so far as to threaten to sue Philip Morris, arguing that the volume of advertising that Philip Morris chooses to have in Colombia is not justified by levels of legitimate sales." For over 50 years, Philip Morris' main distributor in Latin America was the Mansur Free Zone Trading Company, N.V., run by a rich and politically powerful family in Aruba. Cousins Eric and Alex Mansur were indicted on federal money-laundering charges in August 1994 for allegedly being part of a network that laundered proceeds from the Colombian drug trade. In a Dec. 2, 1996 letter to Congress, President Clinton identified Aruba "as a major drug-transit country," and took the unusual step of publicly identifying the family, saying that "a substantial portion of the free-zone's businesses in Aruba are owned and operated by members of the Mansur family, who have been indicted in the United States on charges of conspiracy to launder trafficking proceeds." Philip Morris International broke its contract with the Mansurs at the end of 1998 "for business reasons," company spokeswoman Elizabeth Cho said in an interview. She refused to elaborate. But a source close to the family said the two sides agreed to a $22 million settlement and that the Mansurs continue to work with Philip Morris' non-tobacco product lines. The Mansur company changed its name last year to Glossco Freezone N.V. following six years of unwelcome scrutiny. Eric and Alex Mansur, meanwhile, have yet to go on trial, their case initially delayed by years of extradition battles between the United States and Aruba. Now they are in Miami, where U.S. and Colombian sources say they have been offered a plea bargain by U.S. prosecutors that would greatly reduce or eliminate any jail time in return for cooperation with investigations into cigarette smuggling and money laundering. Their lawyer, Robert Josefsberg, refused to comment. "We will not condone, facilitate or support contraband or money laundering," Philip Morris International said in its statement. Twice in the last two years, the company has defeated shareholder resolutions that have suggested corporate complicity in smuggling and called for an internal review. The BAT documents suggest that its officials were aware of the linkage between cigarette smuggling and money laundering, and they discussed how black market money flows in Aruba affected their business. On
March 8, 1995, Keith Dunt received an e-mail about the "difficulty of
obtaining �clean� $" that BAT's Venezuelan subsidiary had in
January. "It was necessary, in December, to reduce the selling price
from US $125.00 to US $96.00 per case, ie in line with Belmont HL price
(such that Romar could then sell through at US $106.00 per case and
receive �clean� US$)." Epilogue The publicly available BAT documents end, for the most part, in 1995. Since the mid-1990s, legal imports of cigarettes have risen exponentially in Colombia. DIAN figures show that while only $4.6 million in cigarette imports were registered in 1994, that number had leapt to $39.9 million by November 1999. In August 1999, BAT signed a letter of commitment with the DIAN promising, according to director Fanny Kertzman, "that if they have any evidence that distributors to whom they sell their products are, in turn, selling to smugglers, they will stop selling to these distributors." In
a final desperate attempt to crack down on its contraband problem,
Colombia two weeks ago (Jan. 18) announced a new ban on bringing
cigarettes, liquor, or home appliances � the three most common types of
contraband goods � from Maicao and Turbo into the rest of the country,
effective July 1. Despite street protests, President Andres Pastrana
vowed, "The government has already bit into contraband and is not going
to let go until this scourge is eradicated."
Researcher Kathryn Wallace contributed to this report. Go to the second part of the report:
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